The Rohingya crisis has become such a staple of media channels in recent years that people have become desensitised to the sight of wailing children clinging to their bruised parents in refugee camps. In their home country, Rohingyas are victims of ethnic cleansing and oppression, and in their host countries (countries they have fled to), they are treated as outcasts by societies. Having been a target of decades of torture, violence, and discrimination, the hopes for a better future for the Rohingya are becoming increasingly bleak. This prompts the question, will there ever be justice for this community of persecuted individuals?

DEFINING THE ROHINGYA PROBLEM

The long and complicated history of the Rohingya crisis cannot be explained in concise terms. To put it simply, the Rohingya are persecuted on a systemic level in Myanmar. They have been stripped of their citizenship in their own homeland, vulnerable to aggravated discrimination and oppression in countries to which they have fled. Myanmar's 1982 citizenship law has rendered the country's Rohingya population stateless, denying the Rohingya basic human rights in Myanmar and abroad since they are considered stateless and unentitled to diplomatic safeguarding by Myanmar. The Rohingya are systematically discriminated due to three factors: the “insecurity of the modern Myanmar state”, the “normalisation of violence”, particularly by the Myanmar armed forces against perceived national existential threats, and the emergence of an exclusionary “political ideology” that prioritises the survival of the core race (Burman) and core religion (Buddhism). Myanmar considers the Rohingya to be outsiders who pose a military and demographic threat to the nation state. Such attitudes are shaped further by nationalist sentiments that define national identity in terms of a core race and religion, relegating the Rohingya to the labels of inferior immigrants who are unfaithful to Myanmar, and bearers of a violent religion that seeks to eradicate Buddhism. It is then no surprise that the Rohingya endure constraints on their fundamental rights, including restrictions on marriage, employment, healthcare, and property rights in Myanmar. 

Since the 1970s, the Rohingya have been victims of discrimination, including crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. Inevitably, this leads to mass displacement and a large “involuntary diaspora” of Rohingyas around the world. This involuntary diaspora currently outnumbers the Rohingya population living in Myanmar. In recent years, brutal military crackdowns and escalating violence forced large clusters of Rohingya to flee to neighbouring countries. Today, the vast majority of Rohingya (nearly 900,000) have found a haven in the sandy and coastal region of Bangladesh Cox’s Bazar, where they reside in deplorable refugee camps with little fundamental human rights. The UN has described the Rohingya as “the world's most persecuted minority,” and the Cox's Bazar refugee camps as “the world's largest and most densely populated”.

REFUGEE CAMPS: “OPEN PRISON WITHOUT END”

Much praise has been directed towards countries like Bangladesh for taking in the abundance of Rohingya refugees. Indeed, when more prosperous countries were hesitant to open their doors, this small South-Asian country welcomed Rohingya refugees and wanted to provide for them. However, Bangladesh (like every other country that chose to accept Rohingya refugees) has failed to recognise the Rohingya's “right to have rights”; the Rohingya’s stateless status basically allows host countries to mistreat Rohingya refugees and avoid accountability. While many people assume that these refugee camps are havens, Rohingya refugees have described them as “an open prison without end”. The Rohingya have little freedom of movement, as their movements are monitored and restricted. They also face torture and imprisonment if they are caught moving without permission. Security has become a growing concern as murders, kidnappings, and drug trafficking networks are rampant. Many Rohingya, including students, teachers, and leaders have been murdered, including a top community leader in 2021. In addition to such security worries, Rohingya refugees experience challenges with obtaining shelter, food, and a livelihood. They live in crammed longhouses that are prone to adverse weather conditions and severe diseases. Food crises, minimal educational, and employment opportunities are further signs that they are not treated like humans deserving of basic rights, but rather like prisoners. 

Myanmar is still not appropriate for repatriation and Myanmar authorities are on trial in the UN’s highest court for committing genocide. The Rohingya are trapped in a limbo. Refugee camps become their only option for survival. If conditions in refugee camps fail to improve, Rohingya refugees, whose mental and physical health have already deteriorated, will suffer even more.

LOOKING FORWARD

Although Myanmar bears the main responsibility for protecting the rights of the Rohingya, regional and international actors are also obligated to safeguard the Rohingya under the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P). In addition to stepping up efforts towards international cooperation to support Rohingya victims, countries should increase pressure against Myanmar authorities, particularly the Tatmadaw, to hold them accountable for their atrocities. The ideal solution would involve Myanmar ending its systemic discrimination against the Rohingya, as this would ensure their safe and voluntary repatriation to Myanmar. Such steps would entail overcoming deep structural challenges in Myanmar, such as addressing the country's broader security and political woes, and a dramatic shift in how international actors respond to mass atrocity prevention. 

For the Rohingya whose identity has been trampled on, who have been expelled from their own homes, and who have travelled across oceans for refuge only to be treated like inferior beings, justice is likely to be nothing more than a chimera. Perhaps an even bleaker future lies ahead unless Myanmar and the international community address their distinct shortcomings. 

Raisha is a graduate of University of Nottingham (Malaysia Campus), having majored in Politics, History, and International Relations. She is particularly passionate about women's rights, feminism, and social media activism.

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