Since the early 2010s, thinking about and discussing migration into Europe most likely conjures images of the Mediterranean route. The October 2013 tragedy of Lampedusa, where an estimated 360 migrants coming mostly from African countries perished after a boat caught fire and capsized; the April 2015 shipwrecks with over 800 casualties off the coast of Sicily; the Austrian refrigeration truck deaths in August 2015; the drowning of Aylan Kurdi in September 2015; or the reinstatement of borders within the Schengen area as countries failed to cope with the influx of refugees. These are just some examples of events that happened during the last decade, and have become ingrained in the public imaginary.  

2015 and 2016 were the deadliest years in the Mediterranean migratory route, with almost 8,000 reported casualties, and a peak of 27,384 arrivals in October 2016, according to the IOM’s Missing Migrants Project. Inaction from European states, increased militarisation of the European response and outsourcing border control through generous deals with countries such as Libya, with a questionable human rights record and documented allegations of torture of migrants, together with the active criminalisation of humanitarian organisations, have turned the Mediterranean into what some have called “a humanitarian battlefield” and, in turn, a mass graveyard. Humanitarian organisations and grassroots efforts continue to bear the brunt of saving lives, and it seems that Europe has given up after years of turning a blind eye to the massacre happening at its borders. The coronavirus is, ultimately, the scapegoat in 2020 for a long-standing failure. Yet, the tragic human toll is not the only consequence of the heightened focus on the Mediterranean; it has also started to push migratory flows into Europe back to a route that was once among the busiest – and deadliest – paths into the continent: the Canary Islands route. 

FROM THE MEDITERRANEAN BACK TO THE CANARY ISLANDS  ROUTE  

The Canary Islands route has seen an increase in migrant arrivals of almost 700% compared to 2019, and arrivals are back at 2006 levels, before the Central and West Mediterranean routes superseded as the busiest routes. With European Union efforts at deterrence focused on the Mediterranean, migrants are being pushed towards the Canary Islands route, which is considered one of the most dangerous in the world. As of mid-October, the International Organization for Migration had registered over 414 disappearances in the West Africa route towards the Spanish islands. 

LESSONS NOT LEARNED

While current figures may not be at the levels they reached when they peaked in 2006, one clear conclusion that can be drawn from this trend is that efforts at containing migration through deterrence do not work; even if that deterrence rests on the assumption that geographical hazards and border controls will help stem migration flows. Figures show that this approach has not stopped people from embarking on the journey to cross the Mediterranean or risking their lives wandering in the Arizona desert trying to reach the United States, and it will not stop people from taking the West Africa route to the Canary Islands. The only clear outcome of deterrence is the diversion of flows and the subsequent massive loss of lives. 

With the ongoing public health crisis caused by the coronavirus pandemic, it is easier for Governments to attempt to escape accountability for their role in this ongoing human rights crisis, by using the difficulties imposed by the pandemic to excuse their unwillingness and inability to provide shelter and protection to those arriving on their shores. With the pandemic being both a driving factor for these increased flows and an additional layer of pressure for local authorities, humanitarian organisations, and public opinion, it is crucial that Governments provide more support to authorities on the ground. Facilitating registration, guaranteeing rescue operations, and providing adequate healthcare and food are just the bare minimum that European authorities should be doing to uphold the human rights standards they are committed to.

Amalia Ordóñez Vahí was previously a Fulbright scholar at New York University, where she graduated with an MA in International Relations. She spent most of 2020 interning at the Open Society Foundations' Justice Initiative working on cases related to COVID-19, human rights, and detention. She has also interned in refugee representation at Human Rights First, and holds an MA in Conference Interpreting from the University of Manchester. She is currently a cultural diplomacy fellow in New York, while she pursues an MA in Human Rights.

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