When Covid-19 led to stay-at-home orders in the United States, thousands gathered to demand their right to assembly and a haircut. Meanwhile, halfway across the world, barangay captains in the Philippines locked children in coffins and dog cages for breaking curfew.
CONSOLIDATING POWER UNDER THE GUISE OF PUBLIC HEALTH
Some Southeast Asian governments have used the pandemic to justify laws that effectively grant leaders sweeping powers to curtail human rights. In Cambodia, a council approved a bill with vague and broad provisions allowing Prime Minister Hun Sen to assert absolute control in fighting Covid-19. The Philippines has faced a similar situation, where President Rodrigo Duterte threatened those who resisted lockdown measures with police shootings. This consolidation of unchecked power extends to granting local law enforcement unfettered discretion to punish anyone who disobeys orders. Many reacted with dismay and horror as viral videos of curfew breakers in the Philippines being locked in dog cages or forced to sleep on the street made the rounds on the Internet. In particular, accounts from LGBT individuals forced to participate in humiliating recreations of Tik Tok clips while other curfew breakers walked free highlights how authorities can abuse their powers to act on their own internalised homophobia or xenophobia. This consolidation of power and lack of checks on authorities threatens the human dignity of vulnerable communities.
Even in countries with a less militaristic response to Covid-19, governments may try to use the crisis for political gains. Critics of Singapore’s ruling party, the People’s Action Party, have accused the party of opportunism after they held an election in the midst of a pandemic, on the assumption that citizens would favour a stable political climate in uncertain times. The elections went ahead, even though voters were required to cast their votes in person, a potential hotbed of infections. These grabs at consolidated power have led to fears that democracy could face further setbacks in a region known for adopting authoritarian governments after decolonisation.
CONTROLLING INFORMATION TO FIGHT 'FAKE NEWS'
Governments have also limited access to information on Covid-19 under the pretext of preventing the spread of fake news. Even before the crisis, Southeast Asian governments often used strict censorship laws to stifle dissent from their opposition. Indonesia introduced the Law on Information and Electronic Transactions in 2008, allowing the government to censor online content, and Singapore's Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act has been criticised as giving the government a tool to dictate public opinion. The prevalence of such laws and government actions based on them have increased with Covid-19. A Thai national was prosecuted for criticising the government’s approach to Covid-19 screening, and a Cambodian Emergency Bill that grants the government powers to prohibit the spread of information online, has led to the arrests of journalists reporting on Covid-19. This iron fist around media and free speech clearly threatens freedom of speech and the right to access of information, and Southeast Asians who accepted these restrictions on their liberties during a period of emergency may become accustomed to them after the crisis has ended.
Government control of information also extends to increased surveillance and monitoring. While this has been praised as a reason for cases being largely limited in Southeast Asia, it has also led to fears that governments could exploit that technology in the future. In Singapore, the government launched a contact tracing device and a system that made it compulsory for citizens to check in and out of any public places they visit. Such detailed systems have raised fears of increased government surveillance and the erosion of privacy in Singapore and elsewhere in the region.
PINNING THE BLAME ON MARGINALISED GROUPS
Governments who fail to control the spread of the virus have also directed public attention away from their failures by blaming marginalised groups, deepening pre-existing social divides. In Cambodia, Muslims faced an onslaught of discrimination after a Health Ministry report identified ‘Khmer Islams’ as groups who had contracted the virus. Even where governments do not specifically name groups, they are still vulnerable to attacks from other citizens. That was the case in Singapore, where the swell in Covid-19 cases within the migrant worker community led to many derogatory comments from netizens, blaming them for putting the community at risk with alleged unsanitary habits.
Discrimination and xenophobia against minority groups could also be further entrenched even though they may not be blamed for the virus. The indiscriminate use of power may cause already-marginalised groups to suffer further mistreatment, something that is already a reality for the LGBT community in the Philippines. Limiting the availability of healthcare and resources for these minority groups can also intensify discrimination. In Malaysia, Rohingya refugees were stigmatised as disease carriers, which led authorities to turn away refugee boats. Healthcare workers have also suffered discrimination because of the virus. Landlords in Myanmar have refused to extend rental contracts for doctors and nurses for fear that they carry the virus. This stigma against healthcare workers could lead to a brain drain in the industry, with only less-qualified professionals willing to stay, resulting in a less competent and robust healthcare system. That would negatively impact overall access to healthcare and social welfare.
BROADER FUTURE IMPLICATIONS
It is clear that Covid-19 has caused a regression of human rights in Southeast Asia. Without active regulations on Southeast Asian governments, that is likely to continue post crisis. The Covid-19 crisis is also likely to exacerbate other existing problems like income inequality and access to education. These problems cannot be deprioritised as countries chart a course to economic recovery. A more rigorous check and balance system is needed to guarantee that human rights are not further eroded in the future.
Jing is a second year LLB Law student at the London School of Economics. She is passionate about advancing social mobility and increasing access to education for young women around the world.